Auto Industry in the United Kingdom Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Auto Industry in the United Kingdom - Essay Example Bristol Motors originated and is still based in the UK and Mercedes Benz is a representative of the market of the auto industry in the UK as well. The auto industry is paramount and is significant in the UK as it is to the economies all over the world. According to Auto Industry "the automotive manufacturing sector contributes around 8.4bn added value to the economy, and accounts for 1.1% of GDP, 5.8% of manufacturing value-added and 9.5% of total UK exports of goods. Some 237,000 people are employed in the design and manufacture of vehicles and components. The West Midlands remains the heart of the industry in the UK with around 30% of the industry being based in the region. The UK is home to the world's most successful motorsport industry as well as a range of smaller producers serving specialist markets such as sports and luxury cars, and London taxis. 17 of the top tier one suppliers and around 20 leading independent automotive design firms also have a base in the UK. (2005) The automotive industry is an essential element of the UK manufacturing sector. ... In addition, the automotive manufacturers that are based in the UK have a global effect. The UK has an internationally exclusive quality improvement initiative that is operated and operated by the Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders' Industry Forum. The purpose of these types of programmes benefit the automotive manufacturers in several ways. An example of these benefits includes increasing h the competitiveness of the companies, which ultimately result in more profits for them. Auto Industry reports, "typical improvements have been in the region of 30% reduction in costs and corresponding improvements in quality and delivery." (2005) As well as the above discussed there are more than a thousand automotive component suppliers that manufacture their products in the UK. These companies include Visteon, Federal-Mogul, TRW Bosch and Delphi. d TRW. "UK-owned component manufacturers like GKN, Unipart and Pilkington are among the most renowned in the world. Top Japanese suppliers, including Ikeda, Yutaka Giken, Denso and Calsonic have been attracted to the country, mainly following in the wake of the Japanese-owned Vehicle Makers." (Auto Industry 2005) taking into consideration what has been discussed regarding the auto industry in the UK; three representative auto companies will be discussed. The companies Bristol, Ford and Mercedes Benz will be used as a discussion as representative companies of the auto industry in the UK. Bristol Cars: ' Bristol Cars is a manufacturer of luxury automobiles that is based in the UK. Bristol manufactures hand-build cards and they are based in Filton, which is near Bristol England, hence the

Leading Global Workforce Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

Leading Global Workforce - Assignment Example Caligiuri, Lepak and Bonache (2010) point out, since most of the modern organizations operate with a global view, they think that maintaining a culturally diverse workplace environment is essential to accomplish their long term objectives (p.na). A global recruitment approach can really benefit the organizations to access human talent and professional expertise effectively. The firms may rely on their permanent employees to perform managerial tasks and other crucial organizational tasks whereas they may use contingent workers to do their less important or monotonous nature of work. According to Stickney (2008, p.35), cost saving is the major benefit of using contingent workers because organizations do not need to pay temporary workers for downtime. In addition, companies do not want to offer benefits such as vacation time, holiday pay, sick leave, and health insurance to temporary workers. Another advantage is that it provides organizations with a broad talent pool from which they can select during special projects with a short deadline. According to Denisi and Griffin (2005, p.548), decreased loyalty and productivity may be the major demerits of using contingent workers as these people depend on a number of employers to earn income. High training costs is another risk of this employment strategy because contingent professionals are less likely to work for a single organization in the long term. In order to consider contingent work as beneficial and practical, employers’ and employees’ viewpoints and notions of work and career need to be changed. First, employers should understand that contingent workers can contribute significantly to the organizational productivity even if they work for a temporary period. In addition, they should not consider the training costs for contingent workers as non-productive spending. Likewise, employees should not think that contingent workers would threaten their job but identify the supporting role the contingent professionals

War and the Threat of External Violence Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

War and the Threat of External Violence - Essay Example For the presentation of his statement George Orwell chose the art form of social science fiction. The novel just describes a few months of Winston Smith’s life – life of an ordinary member of society, which is built on the principles of Ingsoc (English Socialism), in the fictional superpower Oceania in 1984 (future). A prototype of the future socialist society can be seen quite clear – it was the Soviet Union of the 30-40’s. The mustachioed leader, Big Brother, privileged comrades of the Inner Party, the Thought Police, great cleansings, forced labor camps, a hysterical search for internal enemies, headed by a mythical traitor Goldstein -Trotsky, gloomy atmosphere of general suspicion, squalid life – these are the familiar elements of Stalin’s dictatorship. However, the technologies and methods of society control and suppression of dissent in the book surpass the Soviet realias. Orwell developed the idea of surveillance and brainwashing with more and more sophisticated technical means to manipulate information on a large scale, as it makes impossible any appearance of unauthorized thoughts. The geographic location of the novel is Air Strip One – a huge faceless province of the totalitarian Oceania, which is the allusion of the former UK. The author shows that even the bastion of European democracy with a long tradition of political freedom, which did not surrender to foreign or domestic fascism, can turn into a giant grim prison in 35 years, if people lose their watchfulness. Now, in the atomic age, the world lives in a state of apocalyptic terror. This is the reason why people are so concerned about the motives of the Apocalypse in literature. However, not the Big Brother unleashed atomic and hydrogen apocalyptic monsters. The main problem of the modern society is that it still has not learned how to adapt its lifestyles, social and political institutions to the great achievements of the technical knowledge. We do not know how the atomic and hydrogen bombs influenced consciousness of millions of people living in the East, where pain and fear can be hidden behind the facade of official optimism. This book is an attempt of a geopolitical prognosis. The world in the novel, after World War II and a small period of peace, is engaged in a nuclear war, which started in the 50’s between the former allies. As a result, the territories of Continental Europe go to the USSR; Britain and America are horror-struck by socialist revolutions. The possibility of such a war is historically justified. The allies, members of the anti-fascist coalition had very different geopolitical interests and united only in the face of fascist aggression. Variants of the further division of the world among the great powers, after Germany’s fall, were considered by Stalin, Churchill and Roosevelt as well. The military machine of the Red Army gained an unprecedented power by the end of the war and could â€Å" liberate† the whole Europe easily and only the Second Front opening forced Stalin to confine himself to the Eastern half only. The Allies, in turn, were not averse to kill the â€Å"communist contagion.† Actually, after World War II, two superpowers arouse - the USSR and the USA and by the early 50’s they had nuclear weapons and struggled for world domination. But in the real world nuclear arsenals have grown too quickly, making it impossible to win a nuclear war. Moreover, Stalin’

Womens Political Participation in Afghanistan Essay Example for Free

Womens Political Participation in Afghanistan Essay â€Å"As a global trend, rising number of women in politics will indicate that human beings are making progress towards a more humane world-not because women are necessarily more humane than men, but because any society that categorically excludes half of its members from the process by which it rules itself will be ruled in a way that is less than fully human† Kathlene Introduction The world over women are struggling to break the shackles that bind them challenging the unequal distribution of power in society. Transforming the existing in egalitarian pattern of gender relationships necessitates leadership in the state, markets and civil society- the key centers of power in the present globalizing economy. It is, therefore, imperative for women to be in the corridors of power and have the power to negotiate a better deal for themselves, if they are to influence policy decisions which have an impact upon them. Empowerment of women in all spheres, in particular the political sphere is crucial for their advancement and foundation of a gender-equal society. It is central to the achievement of the goals of equality, development and peace. Women’s political empowerment is premised on â€Å"three fundamental and non-negotiable principles: a) the equality between women and men; b) women’s rights to self representation and self determination.†(1) In empowerment, the key indeed is ‘power’; it is power to ‘access, ‘control’ and make ‘informed choices’. According to the Jakarta declaration â€Å"empowerment of women is not only an equity consideration, it was also a necessary precondition for sustainable economic and social development. Involvement of women in the political arena and in decision-making roles in an important tool for empowerment as well as monitoring standards of political performance.† (2)The application of the philosophical underpinnings of Jakarta Declaration are necessary ,because in the countries where women have gained near equal representation such as in Scandinavian countries, they have begun to alter the very nature of politics. Women are, however, virtually invisible in the political sphere. The notions of a distinct public/political sphere have been used to legitimize the exclusion of women from the public sphere. Under-representation or invisibility of women in decision-making reinforces their deprivation, leading to an unequal distribution of resources, neglect of their interests, needs, perspectives and priorities and no say in policy making. Their voices fall on deaf ears, and as Alida Brill vehemently insists, â€Å"without our own voices being heard inside the government arenas and halls of public policy and debate, we are without the right of accountability _ a basic entitlement of those who are governed â€Å".(3) To effectuate feminization of politics a critical mass of women in the decision-making bodies is yet to emerge. The substantial gains made by the women’s movement over the decades, are not adequately reflected in representation of women in positions of power. The 30 percent target of women’s representation fixed by the Economic and Social Council is not included in the International Development Targets. (4) The world average of women in legislative bodies continues to be merely 12-13 percent; only a few countries have 30 percent or more women in decision-making posts. (5) According to the United Nations Division for the advancement of women (UNDAW), Fact sheet on women in government of 1996, the percentage of women in both ministerial and sub-ministerial levels ranges from 0 percent (in about 15 countries, to 30 percent in 2 countries. 15 countries had 0 percent of women in governmental positions in 1996, out of which 8 were Arab countries. According to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) statistics, from 1945 to 1995, the percentage of women MPs worldwide has increases four-fold. Their latest statistics indicate that, in 2000, the world average of women in parliaments (both houses combined) is 13.8 percent. The regional variations, however, are significant. The highest percentage of women in parliaments in the Nordic countries at 38.8 percent, followed by Europe (including the Nordic countries) at 16.0 percent, Americas at 15.5 percent, Asia at 15.0, Europe OSCE member countries (excluding the Nordic countries) at 14.1 percent, Sub-Saharan Africa at 11.6 percent, Pacific at 8.3 percent and the lowest in the Arab states at 3.3 percent. (6) Among the individual countries Sweden ranks first with 44.7%percent of women in Parliament, followed by Denmark at 39.1%percent and Finland at 36.5 percent. Afghanistan ranks 37 With mere a 27.7% Percent of women in parliament. It is noteworthy that at least 9 states including Kuwait and United Arab Emirates have no women in Parliament. Given this factual background , there is a need for examining the existing power structures, the extent of women’s participation in the political process and suggest measures to increase the ‘critical mass’ or the member of women in politics, thereby paving the way for transformative politics. The issue is vast and to attempt to compress it within the confines of one paper is like putting an ocean into a jar. The present paper attempts to identify some of the key issues relating to women’s political empowerment, thereby helping to clarify and advance the debate. There are no claims here to produce an exhaustive analysis. The paper, keeping in view editorial guidelines, is structures along the following lines: * A review of international actions for women’s empowerment * A n overview of national efforts * Analyze the challenges faced by women in attaining de facto equality in Afghanistan * Identify future steps to enhance women’s political participation International Initiative for women’s empowerment The question of women’s political participation is now on the international agenda, and permeating many regional and national plans of action. Much hope has been invested in the United Nations and it has consistently been the engine for keeping the gender issues on political rights of women in 1952.Since 1975 four international conferences on women have been held under its auspices; all the conferences have emphasized women’s political empowerment as a key concern. (7) The issue of women’s political empowerment, while attracting considerable attention earlier, actually came to the forefront of the global debate for women’s rights at the time of Fourth World Conference on women held at Beijing in 1995.Henceforth, the issue continued to hold centre-stage of all discussions on gender justice and equality. Women’s equal access to, and full participation in decision- making was emphasized in the platform for action, as one of the critical areas of concer n. It unequivocally declared, â€Å"Women’s equal participation in political life plays a pivotal role in the general process of the advancement of women. women’s equal participation in decision-making is not only a demand for simple justice or democracy but can also be seen as a necessary condition for women’s interests to be taken into the account† .(8) A detailed set of recommendations were issued therein to all governmental and non-governmental communities, nationally and internationally , to enhance women’s political participation and decision-making.it recommended governmental commitment to gender balance in all spheres, reform of electoral systems, monitoring and evaluation of progress in women’s representation, revamping of party structures to remove barriers to women’s political participation, incorporation of gender issues and initiatives in the agenda of political parties, affirmative action, create or strengthen mechanisms to monitor women’s access to senior levels of decision-making among others. (9) it affirmed that women should have at least a 30 percent share of decision-making positions. However, recommendations are exactly that; they rarely, if ever, can be enforced with full authority and extent of law. Women’s political participation was equally focused upon at the Asia Pacific Regional NGO Symposium (1999) held in Thailand on the theme ‘Asia Pacific Women 2000: Gender Equality Development and Peace for the Twenty-first Century† too focused on women’s political participation as one of the critical areas of concern recognized in BPFA. It noted the gains but recognized that power structures continue to be dominated by men; women’s representation continues to be low and recommended that timeframes be set and monitors to meet assigned quotas on women’s representation in politics. Women’s Environment and Development Organization (WEDO) has launched a campaign for 50-50, that is, equal representation. This brief review reveals that women’s political empowerment is at the centre-stage of all discourse on women’s issues at the international level. Corresponding to the international efforts, various initiatives have been/ are being taken for the purpose at the national level too. Women political empowerment in Afghanistan The status of women in Afghanistan has been of deep concern since they were stripped of their fundamental rights under Taliban rule. Today, The Asia Foundation works to promote opportunities for Afghan girls and women through collaboration with a broad range of local partners, including government agencies and influential non-state actors, including civil society, and tribal and religious leaders. The Foundation provides growing support for girls to access education and programs that increase women’s economic participation and access to justice. The Foundation is helping build the capacity of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs to be an effective advocate for policy reform and provision of services to women. Although Afghan women still face significant challenges, there have been some notable achievements, including a national constitution that guarantees women’s equal rights, the adoption of the National Plan of Advancement of Women of Afghanistan 2008-2018, and the growth of civil society organizations working to advance women’s rights and deliver much-needed services for women. There has also been significant progress in getting girls, who were banned from attending school under the Taliban, enrolled in public schools. Today, more than two million girls attend school, representing 35 percent of the total K-12 student population, and women’s university enrollment is also increasing. Four hundred women contested the 2010 parliamentary elections and for the first time, women served as election observers in all 34 provinces in Afghanistan. According to Women’s â€Å"Empowerment† in Post Conflict Afghanistan, After decades of war, among the many challenges of post-war reconstruction in Afghanistan, is women’s â€Å"empowerment†. But what does â€Å"Empowerment† mean? â€Å"Empowerment† is a very dynamic and context dependent concept. It can be conceived on different levels and domains, as debated by different development agents and feminists (Afshar, 1998). However, in feminist discourse, â€Å"power† is de fined in a more relational form. It is not defined in isolation but in consideration of the role and relationship of women with women, men and the wider community. The emphasis is not on the â€Å"power over†, as observed by Rowland (1998), which is a more traditional interpretation of â€Å"empowerment†. Rowland reflects on different interpretations of â€Å"power†, with the most possible different connotations, which change the terms of women’s â€Å"empowerment† out of its usual interpretation of being threatening to the power of the opposite sex. Some of the other interpretations, instead of â€Å"power over†, that she uses are: â€Å"power with†; â€Å"power to†; and â€Å"power within†. The interpretations in these other cases are in a more generic form, such as, â€Å"power with† refers to the collective action of tackling a problem together, â€Å"power to† as generative or productive power, which creates new possibilities and actions. Before I go further into women’s emancipation and their participation in social and political life of the country as cit izens, it is important to look at the power structure in a traditional society. What does women’s â€Å"empowerment† mean in a country where the question of â€Å"women† has been part of clashes between the modernists and the traditionalists, throughout the history? Considering the complexity of the â€Å"power† structure within the Afghan society and womens status within the family, community / tribe and finally the state, this research highlights the fact that womens â€Å"empowerment† cannot be discussed in terms of individuality, but, according to a feminist definition â€Å"in relation to men, women† and the community, not in isolation (Rowland, 1998). Afghan women are not a homogenous class. There are a number of significant socioeconomic factors, which contribute to the diversity of womens emancipation in the Afghan society, such as, age; educational level; and, the urban-rural divide. However, in general, Afghanistan is a traditional society where the notion of power is embedded in the patriarchal nature of the culture: reinforcing male supremacy and control over women to uphold family â€Å"honor† with conformity to accepted â€Å"behavioral norms†, which limits women’s life choices (Dupree, 199 8). As in other contexts, womens empowerment in Afghanistan cannot be discussed in a void, but should develop, through an understanding of the complexity of power and control structures in different layers around women. Stumbling Blocks and stepping stones The problems facing women wishing to run for parliament have been described as the ‘four Cs’- culture, childcare, cash and confidence. (10) The unequal participation of women in power and decision-making structures as the local, national, regional and international levels reflects structural, attitudinal and cultural barriers prevailing in all societies. Stereotypical gender roles remain a major obstacle in women’s political empowerment. On the one major obstacle in women’s political empowerment. One the one hand women are considered unfit for leadership. The public-private domain theory has been used as Vicky Randall observes, â€Å"ideologically to justify women’s exclusion from public politics, while women’s actual confinement to a narrow domestic sphere has been a major brake upon effective political participation. At the same time the public-private convention has masked the crucial interdependence of these spheres. Not only have women’s private roles limited and largely defined their public contribution, but public policies have confirmed their ‘private’ obligations. The impact is that political parties are hesitant to select women candidates from â€Å"winnable† seats. Women are usually fielded from ‘losing’ constituencies where the party does not want to waste a male candidate. â€Å" Male equivalence† the assumption that women access political life with the support, backing and contacts of family, in particular, that of the husband has been a dominant explanation for how women enter political life. It is difficult for women to establish a foothold without patronage from powerful men in the party- that too through close personal relations, as wives, daughters or sisters. The criterion for selection of women in constituency , but other apolitical considerations. Very few of the women in politics have an independent base as their entry point. Most enter politics as a sister, daughter, and wife of some men, who for some reason cannot contest election. A compartmentalization of the stumbling blocks leads us to the following points: social barriers include double responsibilities of women; traditional division of labor where women’s roles are ascriptive; lack of social services and support network; illiteracy; and socialization into gendered roles. Economic barriers may categorized as changes in a global economic market; biased theories and practices of development ; and feminization of poverty. Political barriers include type of electrol system; structures and agendas of political parties; lack of sufficient training and communication skills; and access to technology. Strategies Despite all the roadblocks that are clearly evident, it is possible to imagine and revision a more inclusive political system that allows for all the citizens to be democratically present in the political processes. In view of the need to ensure accommodation of the voice, ideas and the needs of women and to rectify imbalances in political representation, participation as the pre-requisite for facilitating and nurturing leadership is essential. The government must create an enabling environment for active leadership generating participation, which would ensure that women’s voices are heard in Afghanistan. Leadership too needs to be transformational, effecting changes in institutions of governance. Special mechanism must be introduced in order to induct women at all levels of decision-making to ensure that they form a critical mass and contribute to policy planning and implementation. The need is formulate institutional mechanisms and work out concrete measures to ensure and enhance women’s involvement and representations in positions of power and decision-making. Enhancing women’s political representation also entails reviewing of the process of selection of candidates within the political parties. The Beijing +5 Outcome Document too recognized the need to â€Å"encourage the nomination of more women candidates through political parties, quotas or measurable goals, or the other appropriate means for election to parliaments and other legislative structures, to increase their share and contribution in formulation of public policy†. The political parties must honour their commitment to gender justice and equality and ensure women’s representation all all levels of party hierarchy. Women, moreover, need to be actively involved in defining the political, economic, and social agenda. 26 This necessitates enhancing the performance and political skills of those women already in decision-making positions through imparting of formal as well as formal training, which could impart the art of lobbying, raising funds, networking as well as campaigning. Some systematized politicians would benefit new entrants to the political field. Women in senior positions, those who are already at the zenith of power could act as role models and mentors for the struggling ones. A massive grassroots movement must be initiated to change the perceptions of both decision-makers and voters. In this context, there is a need to develop strong linkage with already elected nearly one million grass root women. Lastly, it is absolutely essential to have a fixed time frame for achieving gender parity in political representation, without which governments and political parties cannot be held accountable. Conclusion â€Å"It’s not about simply mainstreaming women. It’s not about women joining the polluted stream. It’s about cleaning the system, changing stagnant pools into fresh flowing waters†. 27 when the interests and voices of half of humanity are not reflected in decision-making processes, the very legitimacy of the institutions, legislative and executive becomes questionable. Women are marginalized in the political process through co-operation, repression, socialization and sabotage. Women have been unable to find or create a space for themselves in decision-making sphere. The discourse, procedures, structures and functioning of political institutions remain heavily skewed in favor of men, as evident from disproportionately small number of women in decision-making bodies. The level of political participation among women in any society acts as a reliable barometer of the health of its system; it is clear that there is a systemic disease. Afghan women’s qualitative as well as quantitative participation at all levels of governance structures is absolutely essential for their empowerment. Bringing women into power is not only a matter of equity, of correcting an adjust and unrepresentative system, but is a means of addressing wider social issues of poverty eradication, employment, health and like, in short, facilitating a just , peaceful and humane social order. It is not an end itself, but a means to effectuate a change in the system. References: 1. CAPWIP , â€Å" Issues in Women’s Political Empowerment in the Asia-Pacific Region†, Proceeding of women in Asia and the Pacific: High-Level Intergovernmental Meeting to Review Regional Implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action, ESCAP, Manila, October 26-29,1999,p.281. 2. Jakarta declaration For the Advancement of Women in Asia and the Pacific, Second Asian and Pacific Ministerial Conference on Women in Development, Jakarta, June 7-14, 1994. 3. Brill Alida. (ed), A Rising Public Voice : Women in Politics Worldwide, New York, N.Y.: The Feminist Press, 1995, p.1. 4. UNIFEM, Progress of the World’s Women 2000: UNIFEM Biennial Report, New York, N.Y.: UNIFEM, 2000, P.9. 5. Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Switzerland, Netherlands are a few examples of countries having more than thirty percent of women in decision-making posts. 6. IPU Website, http://www.ipu.org 7. In 1975, The World Plan of Action, adopted in the First World Conference held in Mexico City, put forward various suggestions, for the recruitment, nomination and promotion of women in various branches of government, public bodies, trade unions and pressure groups: In Copenhagen, in 1980, further steps were recommended to promote international cooperation and strengthen peace through women’s participation. The Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies, adopted in the Third World Conference on Women, Nairobi (1985) stresses that â€Å"Women by virtue of their gender, experience discrimination in terms of equal access to the power structure that controls society and determines development issues and peace initiatives† (Para 46) It was further pointed out that â€Å"For true equality to become a reality for women, the sharing of power on equal terms with men must be a major strategy.† ( para 51) the importance of governmental and non -governmental organizations in educating women to exercise their newly-own civil, political and social rights was emphasized. In this process of consciousness rising, efforts would have to be made to fix definite time-bound targets and even resort to be quota system. 8. Beijing Platform for Action , p 109 9. For details see Beijing Platform for Action, p 109-115. The goal of equal participation of men and women in decision-making as a crucial element to strengthen democracy was equally emphasized by commission on the Status of Women at its 41st session in 1997. The efforts for women’s political empowerment made by governments of Asia and the Pacific were also analyzed at the ESCAP High-level Intergovernmental Meeting to Review Regional Implementation of Beijing Platform for Action , October 26-29,1999, The report reveals that of the 40 countries in region, the proportion of women in the national legislatures increased in 28 countries, declined in 8 and remained the same in 4.Yet women remained in a minority in the legislatures.( Report of ESCAP High-level Intergovernmental Meeting to Review Regional Implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action, October 26-29, 1999 , p.86) 10. The best man for the job? The Selection of Women Parliamentary Candidates,† Finding of the Fawcett Society, February, 1997. Presented at listen to Women’s Vote. 1998, p. 19

The Black and White World of Atwoods Surfacing Essay -- Atwood Surfa

The Black and White World of Atwood's Surfacing  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚   Many people elect to view the world and life as a series of paired opposites-love and hate, birth and death, right and wrong. As Anne Lamott said, "it is so much easier to embrace absolutes than to suffer reality" (104). This quote summarizes the thoughts of the narrator in Margaret Atwood's novel Surfacing.   The narrator, whose name is never mentioned, must confront a past that she has tried desperately to ignore (7). She sees herself and the world around her as either the innocent victim or the victimizer, never both. Atwoods use of opposing characters and themes throughout the novel serves to support the narrators view of life as "black and white," things that she can categorize as either a victim or a victimizer. Critical moments in the novel work to reverse the assumed roles and, for the narrator, only after her submerged memory has surfaced can she begin to see the possibility of life as more than a binary reality. Anna plays the role of the classic submissive female married to David's classic chauvinist male. "Wanting to remain attractive to her husband, Anna attempts to conform to the eroticized and commodified images of women promulgated in the mass culture" (Bouson 44). Although the novel is set during the 1970"s, the decade of one of the great feminist movements in our history, Anna remains a woman who maintains herself for her husbands benefit. In a critical scene in the novel, the narrator sees Anna applying makeup. When she (the narrator) tells her that it is unnecessary where they are Anna says "He doesn't like to see me without it," and then quickly adds, "He doesn't know I wear it" (41). To the narrator, Anna is a victim. Although she allows he... ...l E. "Margaret Atwood and the Poetics of Duplicity." The Art of Margaret Atwood. Ed. Arnold E. Davidson. Toronto: House of Anansi Press, 1981.    Lamott, Anne. Bird by Bird. New York: Doubleday. 1994.    Lecker, Robert. "Janus Through the Looking Glass: Atwood's First Three Novels." The Art of Margaret Atwood. Ed. Arnold E. Davidson. Toronto: House of Anansi Press, 1981.    Shepherd, Valerie. "Narrative Survival: The power of personal narration, discussed through the personal story-telling of fictional characters, particularly those created by Margaret Atwood." Language and Communication. 15.4 (1995): 355-373.    Most of the novels characters can be classified as either a victim or a victimizer, but none more so than David and Anna. A classic submissive female, Anna maintains her marriage to David, the classic chauvinist male.   

Non Violence and Will Power

Non-violence and Willpower Why does an individual indulge in violence? This question has great importance for one who practices non-violence. Its answer compels us to probe the unconscious. We discover there what psychologists call a repressed desire that drives one to violence. It can be controlled only by strong willpower, which is the same as a strong vrata or vow. It is for this purpose that the Anuvrata movement is going on. The unconscious harbours ego which accounts for the individual getting enjoyment out of thinking very high of himself and very low of others. Discrimination practiced on the basis of race and colour is but one manifestation of man's ego. Irrational insistence too is rooted in ego. Here in also lies the seed of the communal problem. Here it is relevant to recall one of the vows of Anuvrata: â€Å"I will believe in human unity, will eschew any discrimination based on race, colour etc as well as untouchability. † But if we want to develop non-violence, it is not enough to be conscious merely of the present events. We should be equally conscious of the prime instincts causing the events. Thus it is necessary in the present context to work for disarmament and banning wars. But it is not enough, for it is only like fighting a fire without discovering its causes. We have to do both things– fight the fire that is raging and, more importantly, find out the factors that have caused it. Likewise, solving the existing problem of violence and discovering the basic cause of violence are equally necessary. People working in the field of non-violence are much less concerned about the latter and this, according to us, is the biggest impediment to the growth of non-violence. Armament, disarmament, war and banning of war–all these matters fall within the jurisdiction of various governments. The common man has nothing to do with them. And those wielding power are not likely to listen to the talk about non-violence. We have, therefore, to involve the common people in achieving non-violence. These people, as we have seen, have no role in deciding matters of peace and war or of armament and disarmament, but they undoubtedly have the power to decide the destiny of those who decide the above matters. For achieving it,intense faith, incessant striving and complete devotion are needed. We have reason to believe that these qualities will emerge in those working in the field of non-violence.

The Blindside

The blindside movie versus the book Robert ward Chowan University This paper was prepared for [critical thinking 102, section c], taught by Professor Collins Blindside truths and lies In the movie the blindside there are many truths and differences from the book. Some of them more evident than others. In this movie/book critique I will explain the many truths and lies, to better explain the real story of Michael oher.Some key examples of the truths are the truth of big mikes parents; also what are the toughys real professions. Key examples of lies between the two stories would be how the toughys actually discovered big mike, was Michael really a timid player as portrayed in the movie, and did mike really throw a rival player a fence in a high school game. The Blind Side true story reveals that Michael’s birth mother had been addicted to crack cocaine. (ChasingtheFrog. om, 2013) this was also clearly stated in the movie, just like mikes father which in the movie we learn he was murdered but in the book we learn in detail that he was shot and thrown off an over pass. (The Blind Side: Evolution of Game 2012). other than the truths about big mikes real parents we also learn about the toughys. In reality Leanne was actually an interior decorator who eventually helped Michael decorate his own house. Sean toughy was also an owner of a major fast food chain.One of the most disputed facts was when in the movie did Michael ever have a bed to himself. We learn from a comparison of the book and movie that is was truly stated that until moving in with the toughys Michael had never had a bed to himself being he had eleven other siblings growing up. There are actually a lot of similarities in the movie and the book but most are very small and not easily noticed. What you have to understand when looking at a movie or reading a book based on the same story is that it is basically impossible to have everything due to the facts that they are ortrayed by two different direc tors perspectives , and a movie can’t last nearly as long as a book. There are many false truths about the blindside either to make a better story or the actual truth was not known at the time the movie was created. One example would be who was the first family member to make contact with Michael. In the movie we find that big mike was first approached by Leanne when she spotted him walking in the rain at night. The book says that sean senior saw him Collins volleyball game picking up old popcorn.The actuality is that Collins noticed the large man mike and told her father who began to pay for mikes lunch when he realized he did not have the money to buy it himself. Another example would be did mike actually fight in hurt village as seen in the movie. The truth is that was false to he did fight but the person who he fought was a teammate at ole miss. The reasons for the fight are the same though. Works Cited ChasingtheFrog. com. (2013). Retrieved march 3, 2013, from Chasingthe Frog. com: http://www. chasingthefrog. com/reelfaces/blindside. php